Showing posts with label black children. Show all posts
Showing posts with label black children. Show all posts

Saturday, August 22, 2015

"No matter how dark the days," she says, "we can sing songs of hope, songs of love."


Tucker was appalled by the lyrics they cited, words she cannot bring herself to say out loud -- words, she points out, that cannot be printed in a family newspaper. To her, the issue was simple: These lyrics are unacceptable.
Tucker makes frequent admiring references to the work of Frances Cress Welsing, a D.C. psychiatrist known for anti-Jewish views. Welsing maintains that, to the extent Jews are involved in the production of gangsta rap music, they are consciously or subconsciously acting out what happened to them during the Holocaust.
Abraham Foxman, national director of the Anti-Defamation League, has asked Tucker to dissociate herself from Welsing's theories. "She seems to have a clear view and direction in terms of what she sees as right and wrong. And yet when it comes to the issue of seeing Jews as responsible for gangsta rap, it's like a blind spot," he says. "She's not able to divorce herself from this conspiratorial, antisemitic view . . . which in the end says, Blame the Jews.' "
Tucker strongly denies any bias. Pressed to clarify, she says: "There are forces that were present in Nazi Germany where some groups were interested only in the Aryan race and would use stereotypes with which to diminish a people. The Jewish communities have been our greatest allies. What happened to them is what is happening to us.

The tall, stylish woman who orchestrated the uplifting event was C. DeLores Tucker. And during the course of the morning, the dignitaries also applauded her own crusade: to clean up "gangsta rap." The emcee, Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton (D-D.C.), recalled that struggle. "We were astonished to hear this filthy, lowdown music, and it was about us," she said. "And we looked to the right and looked to the left, and there was silence -- until one woman said something and did something."
And when singer Anita Baker stepped forward to present a $10,000 check to begin the C. DeLores Tucker defense fund, the room erupted in jubilation.
Leaving one question: Why does this woman need a defense fund?
C. DeLores Tucker, 68, entered the fight for civil rights more than 50 years ago and never left. She is a glamorous, well-to-do master of fund-raising -- for black causes, black mayors, Democrats, anyone whose needs matched her own need to make a difference. She says she's motivated by "a passionate love affair for God and my people," but she's ready to give it up. "I wish other people could do what I'm doing so I could step back and retire," she says.
Instead she finds herself in deeper than ever. Through the National Political Congress of Black Women, an organization she co-founded more than a decade ago, Tucker has waged her latest and perhaps loudest battle -- the one against gangsta rap, the one that has made her the target of two lawsuits.

Opponents say her attack on this music shows she's out of touch with young people and far removed from inner-city concerns. Tucker almost sputters her answer: "Look at this," she says. It's a letter she received from a young Lorton inmate who traced his crimes to gangsta rap: "They made it sound so good and look so real I would drink and smoke drugs like on the video," he wrote. "The guns, money, cars, drugs . . . became reality."And there are suggestions that Tucker has an anti-Semitic tendency to blame the record industry's flaws on Jewish executives. "It's greed-driven, drug-driven and race-driven," she says. "A Jewish child would never get a contract with that garbage. A white child would never get a contract. And it all contributes to a genocidal condition."

Tuesday, September 30, 2014

Headed for the Little League World Series---The Jackie Robinson All-Stars!

The Jackie Robinson West All-Stars are headed to the Little League World Series, marking the first time a team from Illinois has gotten this far in more than a generation.
The Jackie Robinson West Little League team defeated all their opponents at the regional tournament in Indianapolis and Saturday's victory meant they advanced to the Little League World Series.

The 11- and 12-year-old boys representing several South Side neighborhoods will be the first all-African American team representing Chicago in the Little League World Series since 1983.

Tuesday, June 3, 2014

Our Black Children---"What Shall I Tell My Children Who Are Black" a poem by Margaret Burroughs

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What Shall I Tell My Children Who Are Black?
By Margaret Burroughs

What shall I tell my children who are black
Of what it means to be a captive in this dark skin?
What shall I tell my dear one, fruit of my womb,
of how beautiful they are when everywhere they turn
they are faced with abhorrence of everything that is black.
The night is black and so is the boogyman.
Villains are black with black hearts.
A black cow gives no milk. A black hen lays no eggs.
Storm clouds, black, black is evil
and evil is black and devil's food is black...

What shall I tell my dear ones raised in a white world
A place where white has been made to represent
all that is good and pure and fine and decent,
where clouds are white and dolls, and heaven
surely is a white, white place with angels
robed in white, and cotton candy and ice cream
and milk and ruffled Sunday dresses
and dream houses and long sleek cadillacs
and Angel's food is white... all, all... white.

What can I say therefore, when my child
Comes home in tears because a playmate
Has called him black, big lipped, flatnosed and nappy headed?
What will he think when I dry his tears and whisper,
"Yes, that's true. But no less beautiful and dear."
How shall I lift up his head, get him to square
his shoulders, look his adversaries in the eye,
confident in the knowledge of his worth.
Serene under his sable skin and proud of his own beauty?

What can I do to give him strength
That he may come through life's adversities
As a whole human being unwarped and human in a world
Of biased laws and inhuman practices, that he might
Survive. And survive he must! For who knows?
Perhaps this black child here bears the genius
To discover the cure for... cancer
Or to chart the course for exploration of the universe.
So, he must survive for the the good of all humanity.

He must and will survive.
I have drunk deeply of late from the fountain
of my black culture, sat at the knee of and learned
from mother Africa, discovered the truth of my heritage.
The truth, so often obscured and omitted.
And I find I have much to say to my black children.
I will lift up their heads in proud blackness
with the story of their fathers and their father's fathers.
And I shall take them into a way back time
of kings and queens who ruled the Nile,
and measured the stars and discovered the laws of mathematics.
I will tell them of a black people upon whose backs have been built the wealth of three continents.
I will tell him this and more.
And knowledge of his heritage shall be his weapon and his armor;
It will make him strong enough to win any battle he may face.
And since this story is so often obscured,
I must sacrifice to find it for my children,
even as I sacrifice to feed, clothe and shelter them.
So this I will do for them if I love them.
None will do it for me.

I must find the truth of heritage for myself and pass it on to them.
In years to come, I believe because I have armed them with the truth,
my children and their children's children will venerate me.
For it is the truth that will make us free!



With All Delibrate Speed- Brown V. Board of Education- How far have we come?

From the moment the first captured African was brought to the Americas, Blacks have been struggling for their freedoms and their civil rights.  Although their situation today has greatly improved, there is still a legacy of frustration, struggle, disappointment and even some triumph.  The improvements that have been made have been hard fought by the generations who came before us and continue today as we move toward a society that is more tolerant of people who are   a different. 
When we look at the struggle for freedom of Blacks, many people consider the Emancipation Proclamation to be the event that guaranteed freedom for the Black slaves.  However, considering the fact that Lincoln was not the President of the Confederate States of America and he had not freed the slaves in the Border States, the Emancipation Proclamation was simply a foreshadowing of what would come when the war was over.  The guarantee of freedom for all Black enslaved people came in 1865 with the passage of the 13th amendment which protects all people from forced servitude.  (Stewart, 110)  The 14th amendment was then passed in 1868 which guarantees equal rights for all American citizens.  The 14th amendment is the basis of much of the Civil Rights movement.  (Stewart, 111)      
Clearly when the 14th amendment was passed, the country was still in turmoil after the Civil War, and many southerners were very angry that their lifestyle and livelihood had been completely overturned.  The law now told them that they had to not only free their Black slaves, but also treat them equally, something many of the slave owners could not imagine.  It is easy to pass the law, but to change the southerners’ hearts and minds would take much longer.  After Reconstruction, when the south once again gained control over their governments, there was a backlash of attitudes, and the idea of white supremacy became the norm.  The white population fought equality among the races in any way they could and began to find loopholes to limit the rights of Blacks.   These laws were known as Jim Crow laws.   Jim Crow laws began to create the separation of the white and black communities; limited the freedoms of the Freedmen; and attempted to keep them from exercising their right to vote.  (McKissack Patricia and Fredrick, 105-106)
One of the common Jim Crow laws in the south was that of segregation.  In many public places, there were Colored Only (word use before the term Black) and white only sections, seating areas, or facilities that were only to be used by Blacks and other facilities for the white population.  Typically the facilities reserved for the Blacks were inferior to those for the white customers.  In 1896, the Plessy v. Ferguson case made it to the Supreme Court.  Homer Plessy was a Black who sat in a train car for whites only and was arrested. (McKissack Patricia and Fredrick, 83)  He fought his arrest, and his case made it all the way to the United States Supreme Court.   In that case, it was ruled that the state may allow separate seating facilities for Blacks and whites as long as they were “equal”. (McKissack Patricia and Fredrick, 83)  Justice Brown stated that “Laws requiring the separation of the races simply reflected the culture of the people and as long as facilities were equal they were not prejudicial”. (Wolf)  The reality of the situation is that they rarely were equal and always inferior for the Blacks..  Seven of the justices ruled against Plessy, but Justice Harlan dissented.  In his statement he said that justice should be “color blind” and the idea of “separate but equal” was inherently taking away one's personal freedom because it forced separation. (McKissack Patricia and Fredrick, 84-85)  Unfortunately his beliefs were in the minority at that time.
In the early 1900’s, more and more Jim Crow laws were added to the books in most southern states, and it was common to see signs for “Whites only” or “Colored Only” in many public places.  One of the areas where separation became common was in the public schools.  In all southern states, there were schools for white children and schools for “colored” children, and there was almost always a noticeable difference between the conditions of the two schools.  The schools for white children were often large enough so that they had adequate facilities to accommodate the students at the school; they had busses to pick the children up and take them to and from school; and they had the materials they needed to learn.  The schools built for Black Children were a different story.  They were often small and built of inferior materials; the students were usually expected to walk long distances since there was no bus service for the “colored” schools; teachers were highly trained and poorly paid; and the materials were usually old and ragged by the time they received them.  Most improvements that were made to the Blacks  schools were accomplished by the hard work and determination of the black communities themselves.  With limited resources, these communities could only make minor changes to improve conditions for their children.  As time passed the inferior quality of public schools became too much for the Black community to bear, and they began to fight for their children’s rights to receive an equitable education.
In 1954, the most well known case challenging racial segregation in schools and other public places made it to the United States Supreme Court.  It was called Oliver L. Brown et. Al.  v. the Board of Education or Topeka Kansas.  It is more commonly called Brown v. Board, and although this case focused on the education of children, it also tried to show how racism and discrimination lead to social problems within society.  This law suit was actually 5 law suits from many different states and Washington, DC combined into one.  The first case originated in Virginia and involved a lawsuit that argued that the facilities at Robert Moton High School were inadequate.  The NAACP became involved with the law suit and would help with the other cases as well.   In 1947 the fight came to Clarendon County, South Carolina, and the case was Briggs v. Elliot.  This case involved a group of parents who sued the county with the help of the NAACP due to the inadequate school buildings and funding for Black schools compared to white schools.   They argued that in this case, separate was not equal as required in Plessy v. Ferguson.  (McWhorter, 29-32)  In 1950, the namesake of the Supreme Court case, Brown v. Board of Education, originated when the NAACP assembled a group of 13 parents who filed suit against Topeka Kansas when they attempted to enroll their children in segregated white schools and were denied entry.  (Fireside and Fuller, 5-9)  In the Delaware case of Belton v. Gebhart, the case challenged the inferior conditions of two African American schools.  Not only did the students have to ride a bus for hours to attend the Black school, but it was also poorly funded, had higher teacher-student ratios, inferior facilities and extracurricular activities.  The final case was Bolling v. C. Melvin Sharpe which was brought against Washington DC.  Eleven Black students applied to attend the new John Phillip Sousa School and were denied entry because they were African Americans.  (Fireside and Fuller, 14-17) 
Although Brown v. Board of Education was successful and school districts across the nation were ordered to desegregate the schools “with all deliberate speed”, the fight was not over.    (McKissack Patricia and Fredrick, 187)  The ruling in Brown v. Board of Education is considered the moment the Civil Rights Movement began in earnest, but the Black communities did not see immediate results.  The law had been changed, but the hearts and minds of the American people would take longer.  Brown v. Board overturned Plessy v. Ferguson and determined that separate but equal was often not equal and should not be allowed.  (Aaseng, 40-45)   However, as before, White society resisted these changes, and even as late as the 1960’s there were many areas that had seen almost no change in their legal policies in regards to Blacks and equality.  (McWhorter, 33-35)  The NAACP and other support groups tried to convince Black parents to enroll their children in the “white” schools, but many parents were afraid to do so because they were fearful of retaliation and harassment from groups of whites who were resistant to change. 
These fears were played out in many towns and communities in the United States.  One of the most famous was the Little Rock Nine. Nine Black students enrolled in Central High in Little Rock, Arkansas, and the resistance was so bad that the students had to be escorted into the school and the National Guard brought in to control the crowds of angry and racist white community members. (McKissack Patricia and Fredrick, 192-195)   Although not as well known, South Carolina also experienced violence during the segregation of schools.  In March of 1970, quite a while after the initial ruling that schools be desegregated, violence broke out in Lamar, SC.  A group of angry and racist white community members in Darlington County were protesting the attempted desegregation of schools in Lamar.  Several bus loads of Black students were being brought into Lamar to attend a school that had been historically white.   The white protestors turned violent and overturned two of those school busses.  Although the school children were not on the bus at the time of the incident, it was still an act of intimidation by the white community to keep their schools segregated.   Following the event, the National Guard and Patrolmen were brought in to ensure the safety of the school children.  After the incident, the community was highlighted in the news, nationwide, and the protests continued.  Some of the children, both white and black, chose not to return to school immediately, due to the protests and potential for violence.  This event upset the community and the school system, but along with the violence came victory for the Civil Rights movement and Blacks
Although school segregation is still the norm in the United States and in some places race relations have improved a great deal, the integration of schools has yet to solve the legacy left by years of struggle and turmoil. Our local schools today continue to struggle with improved achievement for Black students, the busing of students from predominately segregated neighborhoods, and racism in general.   Most Black people have a goal of working and living in communities where there is true equality and respect for all people.  However, the attitude of some whites who are trying to hold on to the attitudes of racism and prejudice are keeping this struggle alive.  As each generation passes, we will see increased understanding and tolerance of one another, and with that, hopefully, we will see many of society’s problems improve.

Thursday, February 13, 2014

Thursday, December 5, 2013

Free Breakfast for School Children and Fred Hampton- (an overview)

In January, 1969, the Free Breakfast for School Children Program was initiated at St. Augustine's Church in Oakland by the Black Panther Party. The Panthers would cook and serve food to the poor inner city youth of the area. Initially run out of a St. Augustine's Church in Oakland, the Program became so popular that by the end of the year, the Panthers set up kitchens in cities across the nation, feeding over 10,000 children every day before they went to school.In the mid 1960s, Black Panther Party chapters developed a series of social programs to provide needed services to black and poor people. Their intent was to promote "a model for an alternative, more humane social scheme." These programs, of which there came to be more than 60,[2] were eventually referred to as Survival Programs, and were operated by Party members under the slogan "survival pending revolution." One such program was the Free Breakfast for Children Program, which began in January 1969 [3] at one small Catholic church in the Fillmore district of San Francisco, and spread to many cities in America where there were Party chapters. Thousands of poor and hungry children were fed free breakfasts every day by the Party under this program. The Panthers believed that "Children cannot reach their full academic potential if they have empty stomachs." The magnitude and powerful impact of this program was such that the federal government adopted a similar program for public schools across the country. The FBI assailed the free breakfast program as nothing more than a propaganda tool used by the Party to carry out its communist agenda. More insidiously, the FBI denounced the Party itself as a group of communist outlaws bent on overthrowing the U.S. government. In Chicago, the leader of the Panthers local, Fred Hampton, led five different breakfast programs on the West Side, helped create a free medical center, and initiated a door to door program of health services which test for sickle cell anemia, and encourage blood drives for the Cook County Hospital. The Chicago party also reached out to local gangs to clean up their acts, get them away from crime and bring them into the class war. The Party's efforts met wide success, and Hampton's audiences and organized contingent grew by the day.On the evening of December 3, Hampton taught a political education course at a local church, which was attended by most members. Afterwards, as was typical, several Panthers retired to the Monroe Street apartment to spend the night, including Hampton and Deborah Johnson, Blair Anderson, Doc Satchell, Harold Bell, Verlina Brewer, Louis Truelock, Brenda Harris, and Mark Clark. Upon arrival, they were met by O'Neal, who had prepared a late dinner which was eaten by the group around midnight. O'Neal had slipped the powerful barbiturate sleep agent, secobarbitol into a drink that was consumed by Hampton during the dinner in order to sedate Hampton so that he would not awaken during the subsequent raid. O'Neal left at this point, and, at about 1:30 a.m., Hampton fell asleep in mid-sentence talking to his mother on the telephone. Although Hampton was not known to take drugs, Cook County chemist Eleanor Berman would report that she ran two separate tests which each showed a powerful barbiturate had been introduced into Hampton's blood. An FBI chemist would later fail to find similar traces, but Berman stood by her findings. At 4:00 a.m., the heavily armed police team arrived at the site, dividing into two teams, eight for the front of the building and six for the rear. At 4:45, they stormed in the apartment.Hampton's body was dragged into the doorway of the bedroom and left in a pool of blood. The officers then directed their gunfire towards the remaining Panthers, who were hiding in another bedroom. They were wounded, then beaten and dragged into the street, where they were arrested on charges of aggravated assault and the attempted murder of the officers. They were each held on US$100,000 bail.A public pool has been named in his honor in his home town of Maywood, Illinois. On Saturday September 7, 2007, a bust of Hampton was erected outside the Fred Hampton Family Aquatic Center.A public pool has been named in his honor in his home town of Maywood, Illinois On Saturday September 7, 2007, a bust of Hampton was erected outside the Fred Hampton Family Aquatic Center. In March 2006, supporters of Hampton's charity work proposed the naming of a Chicago street in honor of the former Black Panther leader. Chicago's chapter of the Fraternal Order of Police opposed this effort.

Wednesday, June 12, 2013

9 more Black pearls: 4 Little Black Pearls-four little Black girls had been attending Sunday school classes at the church...


9 black pearls scattered on the Black Church floor:   Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, SC....
In addition to Mr. Pinckney, 41 year old pastor and state senator, the victims were Cynthia Hurd, 54, who served as the regional manager of the St. Andrews branch of the county library; the Rev. DePayne Middleton Doctor, 49, the mother of four daughters — the youngest is in junior high school and the oldest is in college; Sharonda Coleman-Singleton, 45, a coach of the girls’ track and field team and a speech therapist at Goose Creek High School; Tywanza Sanders, 26, who had graduated from Allen University as a business administration major last year and was looking for a job; Ethel Lee Lance, 70, who had worked at the church for more than three decades; the Rev. Daniel L. Simmons Sr., a retired pastor from another church in Charleston; Myra Thompson, 59; and Susie Jackson, 87.

The Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham was used as a meeting-place for civil rights leaders such as Martin Luther King, Ralph David Abernathy and Fred Shutterworth. Tensions became high when the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and the Congress on Racial Equality (CORE) became involved in a campaign to register African American to vote in Birmingham.
On Sunday, 15th September, 1963, a white man was seen getting out of a white and turquoise Chevrolet car and placing a box under the steps of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church. Soon afterwards, at 10.22 a.m., the bomb exploded killing Denise McNair (11), Addie Mae Collins (14), Carole Robertson (14) and Cynthia Wesley (14). The four girls had been attending Sunday school classes at the church. Twenty-three other people were also hurt by the blast.
Addie Mae Collins
Addie Mae Collins
Denise McNair
Denise McNair
Carole Robertson
Carole Robertson
Cynthia Wesley
Cynthia Wesley

Civil rights activists blamed George Wallace, the Governor of Alabama, for the killings. Only a week before the bombing he had told the New York Times that to stop integration Alabama needed a "few first-class funerals."
A witness identified Robert Chambliss, a member of the Ku Klux Klan, as the man who placed the bomb under the steps of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church. He was arrested and charged with murder and possessing a box of 122 sticks of dynamite without a permit. On 8th October, 1963, Chambliss was found not guilty of murder and received a hundred-dollar fine and a six-month jail sentence for having the dynamite.
The case was unsolved until Bill Baxley was elected attorney general of Alabama. He requested the original Federal Bureau of Investigation files on the case and discovered that the organization had accumulated a great deal of evidence against Chambliss that had not been used in the original trial.
In November, 1977 Chambliss was tried once again for the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church bombing. Now aged 73, Chambliss was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment. Chambliss died in an Alabama prison on 29th October, 1985.
On 17th May, 2000, the FBI announced that the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church bombing had been carried out by the Ku Klux Klan splinter group, the Cahaba Boys. It was claimed that four men, Robert Chambliss, Herman Cash, Thomas Blanton and Bobby Cherry had been responsible for the crime. Cash was dead but Blanton and Cherry were arrested.
In May 2002 the 71 year old Bobby Cherry was convicted of the murder of Denise McNair, Addie Mae Collins, Carole Robertson and Cynthia Wesley and was sentenced to life in prison.